Page 1 of 11
European Journal of Business &
Social Sciences
Available at https://ejbss.org/
ISSN: 2235-767X
Volume 07 Issue 05
May 2019
Available online: https://ejbss.org/ P a g e | 1280
The Turf of the Bāhubali: Political Violence in Uttar Pradesh
-Amitanshu Verma
(Doctoral candidate at Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University)
This paper is an exploration into aspects of violence associated with “criminal”
politicians from Uttar Pradesh, popularly called bāhūbalis. The paper will argue for
understanding this violence by situating it in the context of Caste politics.
How do we understand the phenomenon of ‘criminalisation of politics’ in UP?
How do we see the violence- killings, spectacular murders of opponents and state
functionaries, and long drawn gang wars- that is associated with this phenomenon? Is
there a politics involved in what has come to be seen as ‘criminalisation of politics’,
especially in connection with acts of brute criminal violence. In this paper I will study
political leaders who are infamous as independent ‘criminal’ politicians, popularly
called bāhūbalis, and their alleged violent politics. What the study shows is that the
phenomenon of ‘criminalisation of politics’ and violence are connected to larger
processes of caste politics in the state. The phrase ‘caste politics’ here refers to politics
across castes where ‘caste’ operates as a relevant political, and not just ‘backward caste
politics’. I will make use of a range of material comprising notes from field study,
journalistic accounts, autobiographical and biographical material, and secondary
scholarship.
Section 1
In ‘Chicago of the east’
The phenomenon of ‘criminalisation of politics’ is understood to have taken off in a big
way since late 1970s. The process coincided with weakening of the Congress Party and
emergence of local and regional leadership, some of whom hailed from castes which
hitherto had poor legislative presence. ‘Criminalisation’ meant use of criminal elements
by politicians to unfairly influence the outcome of elections through intimidation of
opponents and voters, booth capturing, illicit networks between politicians and criminal
‘mafia’ involving political patronage of criminals, and corruption over shady business
transactions. Finally, it meant ‘criminals’ themselves or people facing serious criminal
Page 2 of 11
European Journal of Business &
Social Sciences
Available at https://ejbss.org/
ISSN: 2235-767X
Volume 07 Issue 05
May 2019
Available online: https://ejbss.org/ P a g e | 1281
charges entering the electoral theatre and ‘becoming’ politicians. Writers have gone to
the extent of diagnosing the political leadership of these times as ‘an age of pygmies’
in contrast to ‘the age of heroes’1 when leaders displayed statesman-like qualities in the
Nehruvian period2
. A High Court of Allahabad commissioned report on government
contracts and mafia noted:
Organised crime or mafia activities started in the state’s eastern part in late 70s.
Availability of huge railway contracts, irrigation and canal projects, collection of
octroi, toll taxes, illegal mining, smuggling coal and drugs amidst unemployment
offered a fertile ground for the growth of the crime in the land.3
(sic)
It was against this background that a number of independent politicians emerged in the
1980s. More often than not, they would contest elections alone or else one or the other
party would vie for their support. They had an audacious style of functioning and
evoked the image of a lord wielding power and influence over a fief, ‘being a law unto
themselves’. In their constituencies and their area of influence they would hold local
gatherings (grandiosely called durbars) where they would dispense ‘justice’ and settle
people’s grievances- property disputes, bureaucratic hurdles, trouble with local police.
In journalistic accounts they would often be described as 'Robin Hood' who 'stole from
the rich' and 'gave to the poor' on account of their various welfare activities – offering
financial aid to a poor family during time of marriage, organizing free health camps etc.
Making a show of wealth at public events and religious festivals, and display of
magnanimity by undertaking welfare acts is a common practice among them. They face
serious criminal charges, of murders, homicides and assault, especially with regard to
1 Ghosh, S.K. Indian Democracy Derailed: Politics and Politicians, APH Publishing Corporation, New
Delhi, 1997, pp. 141-142.
2 The assertion about an earlier period of upright leaders and statesmen is obviously flawed and partisan,
Jawaharlal Nehru himself lamented the utter degradation of Congress leaders at the local level as far
back as 1946. See Brass, Paul. R. ‘Leadership and Power of Honour in a Corrupt System’ in Price,
Pamela. and Ruud, Arild Engelsen. Eds. Power and Influence in India: Bosses, Lords and Captains,
Routledge, New Delhi, 2010, pp.175.
3 Quoted from G. B. Patnaik Committee Report on role of the mafia in cornering government contracts
and other illegal activities, published in 2005. Excerpt in news report: Link- http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main18.asp?filename=ts062406don_raj.asp (accessed on 29/6/2014)
Page 3 of 11
European Journal of Business &
Social Sciences
Available at https://ejbss.org/
ISSN: 2235-767X
Volume 07 Issue 05
May 2019
Available online: https://ejbss.org/ P a g e | 1282
political adversaries, opponents and recalcitrant state officials. Some of them are even
lodged in prison for a long time which does not present much obstacle to their political
and economic activities. In addition, they have small armed militias and ‘brigades’ in
their employment. These characteristics contribute to the fear and influence they
exercise over their constituencies. Almost all of them are involved in government
contract work and real estate, which often leads to bloody battles between competing
parties. The epithet bāhūbali, literally meaning possessor of great physical strength,
popularly refers to such male politicians.
In the early 1980s, the region of eastern UP, especially the district of Gorakhpur
and nearby districts, began to earn infamy owing to increased instances of gang war
violence and murders. Some of the first ‘criminal’ politicians hailed from this region.
Let us look at some of these politicians and the violence associated with their activities.
Hari Shankar Tiwari was one of the first politicians facing serious criminal
charges to have won the state assembly election as an independent candidate while
being lodged in jail in 19854
. Throughout his political career he hobnobbed with several
political parties and at times went on his own. He served as a cabinet minister in the
governments of Kalyan Singh (Bharatiya Janata Party, 1997-1999) and Mayawati
(Bahujan Samaj Party, 2002), and as a minister in the government of Samajwadi
Party(2003-2007). His political and alleged mafia activities invited descriptions such
as ‘Robin Hood’, ‘don’, ‘bahubali’ etc. There were a number of activities that gave rise
to such a reputation, including local level settlement of disputes. As reports say, ‘Tiwari
is known to resolve family and property disputes.’5
In mid-1980s Tiwari entered the
railway contract business6
. What made for the dreaded image of Tiwari were the
4 Chillupar constituency in Gorakhpur district.
5 Aron, Sunita. ‘Robin Hoods the people’s choice’ in Hindustan Times, internet edition, April 30, 2007.
News Report: Link- http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/robin-hoods-the-people-s- choice/article1-219330.aspx (accessed on 29/6/2014). In addition Tiwari was a student leader with a
post-graduation degree from Gorakhpur University in Sociology, and an incomplete doctor of philosophy
dissertation on the ‘Impact of five year plans on society’.
6 Srivastava, Rajiv. ‘Once upon a time in Gorakhpur’ in Times of India, Lucknow, January 18, 2012.
News Report: Link- http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/Once-upon-a-time-in-Gorakhpur--
/articleshow/11533376.cms (accessed on 29/6/2014)
