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European Journal of Business &

Social Sciences

Available at https://ejbss.org/

ISSN: 2235-767X

Volume 07 Issue 02

February 2019

Available online: https://ejbss.org/ P a g e | 68

Agrarian System under Delhi Sultanate

Dr. Manish Tripathi

Department of Medieval/Modern History

University of Allahabad

ABSTRACT

The Turkish Sultans brought with them the ideas of an agrarian system of their own

which were in consonance with the Islamic law and not subject to alternation by the

kings. But in Indian environment the Delhi Sultans implemented the agrarian system in

accordance with the circumstances and situation prevailing in India during the thirteenth

century. There were aspects wherein the Islamic system differed or had inherent

implications for the non-Islamic subjects. In these cases, the Indianization of certain

Islamic norms on the subject took place. Land revenue was the main source of income of

the state; the Turkish rulers could not reorganize the agrarian system according to strict

Islamic principles without exposing their financial system to grave risks.

Through this paper I have tried my level best to discuss that what were the agrarian

changes accompanying the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate? What were the agrarian

measures introduced by the various Sultans for functioning of the land revenue

administration and to what extent did State policy influence agrarian prosperity or

decline.

Keywords: Kharaj, Iqta, Charai, Ghari, Khots, Muqaddams, Chaudharis, Qismat-I Khoti,

hasil, masahat.

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European Journal of Business &

Social Sciences

Available at https://ejbss.org/

ISSN: 2235-767X

Volume 07 Issue 02

February 2019

Available online: https://ejbss.org/ P a g e | 69

The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate came in the wake of a prolonged period of

political fragmentation and it signified fundamental changes in the region's economy as

well. The innovations which mark out the history of the Sultanate as a distinct phase in

India's economic evolution were : the successful creation of a military power sustained

by the regular extraction of resources from an extensive territory; the emergence of a

new ruling class with direct claims over shares of the produce; a proliferation of urban

centres; the growth of new manufactures like paper and lime mortar and the introduction

of some new technology.1

In the agrarian sector the iqta and the kharaj were the two

chief instruments of change. The iqta provided for rigorous centralization which gave the

Sultan’s government immense power over society. It was thus, an important factor in

enabling the state to demand a large share of the surplus product of society. This share

pre-eminently took the form of kharaj which had come to signify, in the form of a land

tax, the sovereign’s claim to the bulk of the surplus produced by the peasant above the

minimum needed for his subsistence.2

It was only the possibility of complete devastation

of the peasantry which set any limits to its magnitude.3

There was hardly any change in the structure of rural society during the thirteenth

century. There was no widespread dislocation of the old economic and social systems

and “the stream of life in the rural areas flowed smoothly and uninterruptedly even after

the establishment of Turkish rule”.4 The early Turkish rulers depended on the Hindu

chiefs to pay the land-revenue, leaving it to them to collect it from the peasants according

to the existing practices. The revenue from the rural areas could often only be realized at

the point of the sword. The imposition of kharaj in its full-blown form took time. The

economic basis of the Sultanate, thus, remained weak in the thirteenth century.5

The fourteenth century saw a number of new developments as seen in the course of our

study. The planned imperialistic economic policy of Alauddin Khalji was undoubtedly

“the outcome of an urgent and grave political situation which forced itself on the

attention of the king”.6 His pricing policy was abandoned by the later Sultans. But to him

goes the credit of establishing a uniform system of taxation throughout a large region of

northern India and firmly establishing the tradition of the realization of the three basic

agrarian taxes - kharaj, charai and ghari. Alauddin’s taxation system was probably the

one institution from his reign that lasted the longest, surviving into the nineteenth and

Page 3 of 8

European Journal of Business &

Social Sciences

Available at https://ejbss.org/

ISSN: 2235-767X

Volume 07 Issue 02

February 2019

Available online: https://ejbss.org/ P a g e | 70

even the twentieth century. Since the new land revenue system7

enabled the Sultanate

ruling class to approximate the bulk of the country’s surplus, the fiscal claims of the

previous aristocracy could not be permitted. Thus the khots and muqaddams were

prohibited from levying their own cesses (qismat-i khoti). Alauddin Khalji even taxed

the khots and muqaddams but Ghiyasuddin Tughluq modified Alauddin’s system by

giving certain concessions to the khots and muqaddams.

Two measures taken by Ghiyasuddin had a long term impact on the agrarian policy of

the Sultanate. Firstly, the system of crop-sharing (hash) was restored by him as opposed

to the system of measurement (masahat) of Alauddin Khalji which was considered as an

innovation. The method of measurement was not restored till the reign of Sher Shah.

Secondly, the restoration of the Hindu revenue-collectors became a permanent feature of

the agrarian system, for there is clear historical continuity between them and the later

zamindars of the Mughal and British periods. As Moreland points out, Barani and Afif

employ the term for any chief found outside, as well as inside, the Sultanate.8 But a

different sense, that of the holder of any superior right over land, and so not necessarily

implying possession of political authority, was already developing. During the Mughal

period the term zamindar was applied to revenue-collectors (successors of chaudharis,

khots and muqaddams) as also to payers of tribute, e.g., the Rajput princes.9

Muhammad Tughluq tried to revive the system of Alauddin Khalji but he could hardly

achieve any success and reverted back to the system of granting revenue assignments.

Firuz Shah’s reign witnessed several significant departures from the existing agrarian

policy. On coming to the throne, he granted a series of fiscal concessions to the people

who had suffered terribly from over-taxation, rigorous administration and natural

calamities. However, his policy of assigning away lands in iqtas, assigning villages even

to individual troopers, the further extension of the farming system, recognition of the

hereditary principle in the services rendered the administration hollow from within and

encouraged the provincial governors to defy the governmental authority and signal the

total disruption of the Sultanate. After the death of Firuz Tughluq decline set in, followed

by the invasion of Timur and founding of various kingdoms each taking away a large

chunk out of the territories of the empire.10 The circumstances, therefore, hardly left any

scope for implementation of any general agrarian measures.